By P.K.Balachandran
Colombo, December 2: Alauddin Mohammad, a member of the Bangladesh National Citizens’ Committee Executive, seeks people-to-people contacts between Bangladesh and India to clear misunderstandings that had vitiated the relationship after the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in a violent student-led movement in August this year.
While Bangladeshi saw the ouster of Hasina’s repressive regime as perfectly legitimate, India suspected that it was engineered either by Pakistan or the US or together, to nullify its traditionally close ties with Bangladesh. New Delhi was particularly irked when the Interim Government led by the pro-US Chief Advisor Dr.Muhammad Yunus sought the extradition of Hasina from India to face criminal charges in a Dhaka court.
Feelings ran high in India when Islamic radicals attacked Hindu temples and a Hindu monk, Chinmoy Das Bhramachari, was arrested and denied bail for allegedly dishonouring the Bangladesh flag. The Hindus of Chittagong had earlier held mass demonstrations demanding protection.
In Bangladesh, on the contrary, the popular narrative was that India was hatching a plot to use the Hindu minority in Bangladesh to discredit the Interim Government and eventually put protégé Hasina back in power. Relations between New Delhi and Dhaka have frozen with no sign of an early thaw.
Alauddin’s Take
It is against that background that this writer talked to Alauddin Mohammad, the Citizens Committee member. Alauddin said: “India is our neighbour, and we share a history and a cultural heritage with it. Moreover, in 1971, our freedom fighters together with Indian forces fought against Pakistan. This is an important part of our history which both countries celebrate. When it comes to bilateral relations Bangladeshis deserve a fair, people-to- people, state-to-state relationship with India.”
“Bangladesh is in no way a threat to the sovereignty for any country in this region including India. India should therefore help strengthen democratic institutions in Bangladesh and build people-to-people friendship between the countries so that there will be no room for hatred against each other. On Bangladesh’s part, it can build and reaffirm confidence in the Indian political establishment,” he added.
Giving a background to the New Delhi-Dhaka stand off from the Bangladeshi angle, Alauddin said: “Unfortunately, India’s relationship with Bangladesh was highly biased when the Awami League was in power which was an unpopular stand here. India supported the Awami League in exchange for unequal deals on many fronts which were unsustainable. India should give priority to the restoration of the democratic process in Bangladesh and deal with the democratically elected government.”
The Bangladesh National Citizens’ Committee or the Jatiyo Nagorik Committee in Bengali, came into being in September. It seeks to unite diverse groups in Bangladesh to establish a new “political settlement for a democratic Bangladesh.” It aims to reform the State in line with the aspirations of the student-led mass uprising. It is run by a 55-member committee led by Nasir Uddin Patwary.
Hindu-Muslim Conflict
On the touchy issue of Muslim-Hindu conflict and the fears in India that Islamists inspired by Pakistan are gaining traction in Bangladesh, Alauddin, who is a Ph.D student, put the blame squarely on Sheikh Hasina.
“The Awami League (led by Hasina) did everything to throw the Islamic outfits out of the public sphere. Now, because a democratic space has been created, Islamists are more visible than before. But nobody is tagging them as militants. I think, the democratic process will break Islamophobia (in India), as it will make the Islamists play a constructive role in building the country like any other political group,” he said.
He went on to say that the Hindus of Bangladesh are a significant part of Bangladeshi society and politics but “unfortunately, they were used by the Awami regime to further its political ends.”
“The reality is that when Awami League was in power, there were numerous attacks on the minorities and nobody was punished. But when out of power the Awami League played the minority card to come to power,” Alauddin recalled.
On the charges about minorities being attacked now, Alauddin said that these are exaggerated and fabricated.
“Immediately after Hasina’s flight there were some attacks on Awami League leaders which included Hindu leaders as well. So the attacks were not against a minority as such, but against a political identity, namely, association with the Awami League,” he explained.
Bangladeshi Muslims suspect that a section of Hindus are acting at India’s behest. Alluding to this, Alauddin said that the Hindus are a large community in Bangladesh and there are several groups in it with different orientations. “We cannot say that the whole community is under the influence of an outside force just because of the activities of a few radical groups in the community,” he stressed.
“In this context, it must be mentioned that 13 Hindus were killed during the police crackdown this year. But nobody mentioned this. The real situation as regards minorities in Bangladesh is better than what it was during Hasina’s regime. Muslim preachers and Madrasas are now actively working with the minorities to ensure social harmony,” he claimed.
Relations with China and US
On Bangladesh’s relations with China and the US, Alauddin said: “Bangladesh’s foreign policy is clear: Friendship with all, Malice towards none. Its relations with China are mostly economic. Chinese investments are important for infrastructure development in Bangladesh.”
“As regards the US, it had congratulated the new government and asserted its support for it. So far, Bangladesh’s policy towards the US has not changed. The US is still Bangladesh’s major export destination. This multifaceted relationship will continue as it is related to Bangladesh’s stake in the global economy. As for joining QUAD, or any such alliance, it will be a matter to be decided by Bangladeshis.”
First 100 days
Alauddin assessed the performance of the post-Hasina Interim Government along several parameters.
“Because of Hasina’s dictatorship, State institutions were weak and without legitimacy. The police force was absent from the scene after 5th August. In such a situation, restoring the administration was the biggest challenge facing the Interim Government, a task which the Interim Government fulfilled with quite a bit of success.”
“After that, the government had to create a democratic space for all political and social groups so that they could speak fearlessly. Restoring law and order was an achievement, but greater focus and careful management of law and order are needed now. The fragile banking system is showing signs of recovery. Several reform commissions are working to draft reports which will help rebuild the country’s principal institutions, such as the judiciary, police and bureaucracy.”
Drawbacks
On the drawbacks, Alauddin said: “There is an absence of a clear road map on what the Interim Government wants to do and how those will be executed. We demanded a new constitution because the old constitution had fascist features. The government is yet to reveal its stand on the new constitution, creating suspicion among the stakeholders in the uprising.””
“Under the previous regime, the State was a single institution with the government machinery and the ruling party functioning in tandem. The Interim government is obliged to work with the old governmental machinery with a different mind-set. The Interim government is facing non-cooperation from bureaucrats. This is in addition to the absence of experienced personnel in the advisory panels themselves.”
Political Change
On the sea change in the political atmosphere, the young leader said: “There was no political activity in the last one and half decades in Bangladesh due to the absolute domination of the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina. The mass uprising was the only political action undertaken with her in power. But mass action has created a vast new space for political participation. Political parties now express their views freely.”
“But the government’s inability to arrest the political criminals of the past is causing concern. Much work also needs to be done to bring justice for those who families which were victims of enforced disappearances,” he said.
Economic Change
The economy has to be cleared of oligarchs and crony capitalists, Alauddin stressed. “More than US$ 148 billion was siphoned off from the economy during Hasina’s rule. Public debt was at an all-time high at US$ 99 billion. The banks were struggling facing cash shortages. During the protests, major infrastructural damage took place. We have to assess the Interim Government’s performance against this backdrop.”
Pointing out to the brighter side, he said: “In the first three months of FY ’25 (July-September), export earnings increased by 7.62% reaching US$ 11.66 billion compared to US$ 10.83 billion during the same period in the last fiscal year. Remittances also showed an increase in July–October 2024 of nearly US$9 billion, a 30% increase from the previous year.”
Human Rights
The human rights situation has improved visibly, the activist said. “There are no secret torture cells, no enforced disappearances, no harassment by the law enforcing agencies. Even Awami League’s former MPs are getting bail on a regular basis which shows that the judicial system is functioning freely.”
Political parties
On the prospects of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Alauudin said: “ The BNP is the largest and most popular political party in Bangladesh now. So far, BNP has been playing a balanced role, protecting the spirit of the July-August uprising. The BNP actively took part in forming the Interim Government and is now giving moral support to it. In any fair electoral contest, the BNP can emerge as the single largest party in parliament.”
Awami League
Asked if the Awami League could ever re-enter politics, he said: “After the July massacre, people demanded Awami League leaders’ trial. After the trial the Awami League can return to politics but they must own their guilt and seek public forgiveness for their complicity in the ‘genocide’. Their leaders and beneficiaries had trafficked US$ 148 billion abroad from the economy in the last 15 years. They must bring the money back to the economy before coming back to politics. Their strength lies in the power of the plundered money, engineered bureaucracy, a particular historical narrative and a particular cultural thrust. Of course, finally, it the people who will decide whether or not the Awami League can come back to politics.”
On the demand that the properties of Awami League MPs, who participated the 2014,2018,and the 2024 elections should be confiscated, Akauddin said: “This demand is not a collective one from the students. The student body will not take any step without assessing the consequences. The primary goal of the youth is to unite the country with a common goal and to uphold the values that characterized the uprising.”
On the Jatiyo Nagrik Committee itself floating a political party, Alauddin said that a new party is not a priority for the youth in Bangladesh. “The youth want to be a watchdog for upholding democracy and a clean administration. They may organise a party in response to a demand, but that demand has not arisen yet.”
Army’s Role
Sincethe 1975 coup that toppled President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Bangladesh army had been actively interfering in politics till 1990.
“The army is a popular force in Bangladesh. It has been playing a crucial role at critical moments in the history of the country,” Alauddin said adding: “In July 2024 it decided to be with the people and didn’t take part in the killing of innocent protesters which brought them very close to the heart of the people. Currently, the army is working under the civil administration and trying to facilitate the reform process. I don’t think there is significant change in its role in State affairs. “
“A point we shouldn’t forget is that the army lost 57 brilliant officers in a planned mutiny during Sheikh Hasina’s regime, when justice couldn’t be delivered. Still the army is showing a sense of responsibility in its interactions with the State administration.”
In conclusion, Alauddin said: “Bangladesh is not in a stalemate. There was a stalemate under the previous regime. The present government may face difficulties but it is a people’s government. This government has an agenda to reform the State, and I believe there is a political consensus on reforms. The Bangladeshi people are now united.”
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